US Senate passes war powers resolution defying Trump’s Iran war authority

Dear Commons Community,

The US Senate approved a war powers resolution preventing Trump from continuing hostilities against Iran, delivering the president a significant but symbolic rebuke over a conflict that has proven unpopular with the American public.  

The resolution passed by a 50-48 vote, with four Republicans – Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Rand Paul of Kentucky – breaking with their party to support its adoption. John Fetterman, of Pennsylvania, was the sole Democrat to vote against the resolution.  As reported by The Guardian.

The measure, which passed the House of Representatives earlier this month, would require the president to seek Congress’s authorization to use military force against Iran. It comes after Trump dispatched JD Vance to Switzerland to negotiate a settlement that would resolve the conflict the US began alongside Israel in February.

The resolution does not require the president’s signature, and Trump and his Republican allies have questioned the constitutionality of the 1973 War Powers Act under which it was passed. Nonetheless, its success underscores the discontent among Republicans over a conflict that has grown deeply unpopular with voters ahead of the November midterm elections, in which Republicans will be defending their control of Congress.

A Reuters/Ipsos poll released on Tuesday found that a mere 23% of Americans believed the United States was stronger because of the war with Iran; nearly two-thirds thought any truce with Tehran was unlikely to last.

The resolution’s passage in the Senate was enabled by the absences of two Republicans: Dave McCormick of Pennsylvania and Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, who was admitted to the hospital last week. Neither has supported previous war powers resolutions, which Democrats have been forcing votes on regularly since the war with Iran began.

“Trump’s historic blunder in Iran will go down in the history books as one of the worst foreign policy forays America has ever made, or any country has ever made,” the Democratic minority leader, Chuck Schumer, said ahead of the vote on Tuesday. “The American people have seen skyrocketing gas prices, soaring costs, and, tragically, the loss of 13 service members, and the wounding of hundreds more, and meanwhile, Iran took Trump to the cleaners.”

Greg Meeks, the top Democrat on the House foreign affairs committee who sponsored the resolution, said in a statement he would “explore all legal avenues to ensure the executive complies with the will of Congress”.

“Congress never authorized this failed war, and the president certainly has no authority to continue it indefinitely without our consent as the constitution demands,” Meeks said.

We are thankful for the four Republican senators who voted for this resolution, but more should have shown some gumption and voted for it also.

Tony

AI could breach government and business defenses in a matter of months not years!

Photo courtesy of DeepStrike.

Dear Commons Community,

AI models capable of launching major cyberattacks that could overwhelm the defenses of governments and businesses are months – not years – away, an international alliance of intelligence agencies warned in a joint statement.  As reported by CNN.

The Five Eyes grouping, comprising the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, urged governments and corporate leaders to “act now” to improve their defenses against sophisticated cyber threats.

The rare call to action comes after the Trump administration ordered AI giant Anthropic to suspend use of its most advanced models by foreign nationals, and highlights the growing unease among western nations about the emerging capabilities of the technology.

“Frontier Al models are anticipated to exceed current industry expectations, fundamentally transforming both offensive and defensive cyber capabilities. The timeline is not years, it is months,” the group of spy agencies said in the statement on Monday.

“The evolving landscape of artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly transforming cyber risk, and we must act swiftly to remain ahead.”

AI researchers and executives have expressed various safety concerns over the advancing technology, which the Five Eyes leaders described as being able to lower “barriers for malicious actors and increases the speed and complexity of attacks.”

AI experts said the message is “really stark” and could have worrying implications, not just for governments and corporations, but for small and medium businesses around the world.

“What it was saying is that in an age of AI, breaches will occur. It’s not a matter of if, but when, so it’s important to get prepared now,” Olivia Shen, director of the Strategic Technologies Program with the United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney, told CNN.

The US administration’s broad directive against Anthropic’s Mythos 5 and Fable 5 models was one of the furthest-reaching actions a government has taken in response to the advanced capabilities of an AI model.

Mythos had raised widespread cybersecurity concerns because the company said it was extremely adept at finding security flaws. But Anthropic said it believed the US government had “become aware” of a method of “jailbreaking” its public Fable model, or getting around its internal safety guardrails. Anthropic and the administration have been meeting to try and resolve the issue.

“The really key lesson for this is that AI capabilities are evolving incredibly rapidly,” Shen said, adding that even though the world’s attention is currently on Anthropic, someone else could produce the next highly capable one.

Everyday businesses most at risk

To counter the threat, businesses and leaders should invest in cyber defenses, upgrade old systems or patch faulty software, and limit who has access to critical systems, the Five Eyes leaders said.

And though AI is being used by adversaries to “move faster and more effectively,” it is also part of the solution, they added.

“Organizations that integrate AI tools into their security operations can detect vulnerabilities earlier, improve software quality, monitor unusual behaviour, and respond faster to incidents,” the security alliance said.

Shen, the AI and national security expert, said there was a “massive gap” in the defenses of many governments and businesses.

“Sophisticated businesses, usually your large corporations, they already invest in cybersecurity, and they’ll be better prepared,” she said. “The ones who are more exposed will be those small and medium-sized businesses who maybe have under invested so far, and they’ll basically be like sitting ducks.”

AI models are advancing at warp speed, and independent assessments have shown some models are now reaching expert levels of cyber capability. That pace has seemingly left lawmakers attempting to put in guardrails fighting a losing battle.

Currently there is no transparent, consistent framework for regulating AI in the United States. While some experts say the government should be involved in conversations about AI safety, others argue the result could stifle the industry.

Dozens of cybersecurity researchers, AI entrepreneurs, and corporate executives this month signed an open letter urging the Trump administration to commit to “an open, scientific and transparent process of handling AI risk assessments” and said it was “essential” for security teams to “find and fix flaws in their own newly-written as well as decades of legacy code faster than our adversaries.”

Shen acknowledged there is a “tightrope” to walk but said there needs to be some “ground rules.”

“We know these technologies can be used for both defensive and offensive purposes, and we need a few more guardrails about how we can maximize the benefits for defensive cyber security, while gate keeping it away from potential cyber adversaries and scammers and cyber criminals,” she said.

AI is here and we have done little to prepare for it.

Tony

 

Tucker Carlson officially dumping the Republican Party!

Tucker Carlson   (AFP/Getty)

Dear Commons Community,

Conservative commentator Tucker Carlson is officially breaking with the Republican Party after spending decades as one of its most influential backers in the media.

On a recent episode of the Can’t Be Censored podcast, Carlson accused the party of “treasonous” actions and putting the interests of corporate donors and Israel above those of American citizens, especially regarding the Iran war.  As reported by The Independent.

“I would not support the Republican Party,” Carlson said. “There’s no chance I would support the Republican Party. I’m not going to support the Democratic Party — I don’t know what I’m going to do.”

“I voted Republican my entire life,” the podcaster continued. “I worked at Fox News, CNN, MSNBC. I’ve been a consistent defender for 35 years of the Republican Party, — I mean, a very consistent defender. There’s no defending this because it’s amoral and it’s exactly the opposite of what a political party in a democracy is charged with doing, which is representing its own voters, its own citizens, its own nation. And they’re not doing that.”

Carlson added that his defection, as well as polling showing the Iran war is unpopular, should serve as a wake-up call for the Republican Party.

“If I’m out, then I think a lot of other people are out,” he said.

The Independent has contacted the Republican National Committee and White House for comment.

Carlson’s comments come after months of public feuding between him and party leaders.

In April, he accused the Trump administration of failing to run the country well and pursuing unnecessary foreign wars, publicly apologizing for having campaigned on Trump’s behalf.

Carlson said he was “tormented by it” and that he was “sorry for misleading people.”

That month, Carlson also criticized the president after he told Iran to “open the F***in’ Strait” of Hormuz or they would be “living in Hell.”

“Who do you think you are?” Carlson said on his show. “You’re tweeting out the f-word on Easter morning?

This spring, amid Carlson’s frequent scathing criticism of the Iran war and influence of Israel on U.S. foreign policy, President Trump fired back that Carlson had “lost his way” and was no longer a part of the MAGA movement.

“I knew that a long time ago, and he’s not MAGA. MAGA is saving our country,” the president said in an interview in March.

Another Trump ally jumping ship!

Tony

New York Times Editorial Board: President Trump Lost This War

Credit:  Damon Winter/The New York Times

Dear Commons Community,

Over the weekend, The New York Times had a scathing editorial entitled, “President Trump Lost This War”, that outlined how his folly with Iran, has ended in a disastrous humiliation for our country.  The introduction that follows says it all.

“The preliminary deal ending President Trump’s four-month war with Iran is welcome but brings with it hard truths. Mr. Trump made a terrible mistake starting this war. He prosecuted it recklessly and in open defiance of the law. The United States is emerging weaker — militarily, diplomatically and economically — and will pay strategic costs for years to come.

The details of the deal are unclear, but the announced framework suggests that Mr. Trump has won few of the terms he insisted that he would. It is a humiliating comedown for him and the nation he leads”.

Below is the entire editorial.

Tony

——————————————————

The New York Times

Opinion

President Trump Lost This War

June 21, 2026

By The Editorial Board

The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.

The preliminary deal ending President Trump’s four-month war with Iran is welcome but brings with it hard truths. Mr. Trump made a terrible mistake starting this war. He prosecuted it recklessly and in open defiance of the law. The United States is emerging weaker — militarily, diplomatically and economically — and will pay strategic costs for years to come.

The details of the deal are unclear, but the announced framework suggests that Mr. Trump has won few of the terms he insisted that he would. It is a humiliating comedown for him and the nation he leads.

Since the war began, he has said the United States would achieve “total and complete victory” and that Iran must agree to “unconditional surrender.” He suggested that regime change would occur. He said that Iran would be permitted “no enrichment” of uranium and that “the United States will, working with Iran, dig up and remove all of the deeply buried” near-bomb-grade nuclear material that it already holds.

None of this appears to be true. Iran’s hard-line government remains in place. The specifics of the nuclear agreement will apparently be negotiated over the next two months, but the terms seem likely to resemble those of a 2015 deal that President Barack Obama negotiated and that Mr. Trump canceled in 2018. He described the Obama agreement as the “worst deal ever” and said it put Iran on “a route to a nuclear weapon.” He criticized it for failing to force Iran to stop supporting terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah and for loosening economic sanctions. Yet his destructive war seems likely to leave him with a similar deal.

His biggest achievement in the cease-fire framework is the expected reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to global shipping traffic, which will eventually reduce the prices of energy and other goods. That, of course, is merely a reversion to the prewar status quo. Iran closed the strait in retaliation, to damage the global economy and increase political pressure on the United States. The move worked, and Iran’s leaders now understand that they hold a powerful economic weapon.

On balance, Iran emerges the strategic winner of the four-month war. It did suffer substantial losses, including much of its navy, air force, military-industrial capacity and political leadership, including Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader, who was killed on the war’s first day. With the war ending, however, Iran’s leadership can begin rebuilding.

The United States, for its part, looks weaker in the eyes of the world. The American military has shown itself unable to quash a much smaller opponent even as it burned through many of its long-range precision missiles and interceptors. The outcome damages this country’s ability to deter other potential adversaries. To begin to repair the damage, the United States would be wise to mend alliances in Europe, the Middle East and Asia that have been frayed by the war’s military and economic effects. The Pentagon will also need to modernize and prepare for the wars of the future. Neither is likely to happen under President Trump.

Before the American and Israeli attack began on Feb. 28, Iran’s leadership had endured a miserable two and a half years. The government was far weaker than it had been before the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas, which Iran has long funded and advised. In response to that attack, Israel significantly diminished Hamas and Hezbollah, another Iranian proxy group. In Syria, a murderous, Iran-backed dictator fell while Iran’s leaders did little to save him. Israel and the United States exposed Iran’s air defenses and missile program as paper tigers when they bombed Iranian nuclear sites last summer, setting back its program. All the while, Iran’s currency continued to plummet, and its economy was in ruins. Starting late last year, Iranians took to the streets to protest, and the regime responded by killing thousands of them, if not tens of thousands.

All these problems remain, and Iran is still weaker than it was three years ago. But the war has given it leverage it did not have when 2026 began. Its regime has demonstrated that it can survive waves of attacks from its two biggest enemies. Its leaders have not had to abandon their nuclear ambitions. And they have learned that the rest of the world seems unwilling to use military force to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. If Iran chooses to close the strait at some point in the coming months or years, what will Mr. Trump do in response?

We lay out these facts with no pleasure. Iran has been and remains a force for ill. It represses its own people, especially political dissidents, women, L.G.B.T.Q. people and religious minorities. It is a world leader in torture and executions, and it has financed terrorism in its region and far beyond. Iran’s leaders have impoverished a country where per capita income was above the global average as recently as the 1970s.

The regime’s distinct brutality should have been reason for the United States to think carefully and plan cautiously for any war. The history of modern American wars, particularly in Iran’s region, is full of hubris that incubated defeat. Yet Mr. Trump eschewed thoughtful planning at every step.

He accepted the rose-colored assessment of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, who predicted that the Iranian regime would quickly fall. Mr. Trump dismissed the views of his aides who told him that Mr. Netanyahu’s forecast was farcical. Mr. Trump ignored the Constitution and refused to seek congressional approval for the war. He did not listen to European and Asian allies who opposed his war. He failed to plan for Iran’s obvious ability to close the Strait of Hormuz. He made threats about destroying Iranian civilization that succeeded only in diminishing America’s moral standing.

For his sins, he has now agreed to a peace framework that the entire world understands is a defeat for him. It is a setback for America, too.

 

 

Maureen Dowd:  Trump – The Creature from the Green Lagoon!

May be an image of pool and text that says 'The Reflecting Pool is a perfect metaphor for the Trump administration: -Ignore experts and science -Overspend -Declare early, historic victory -"THE LEFT HATE THIS" -Ends in total failure -Unfounded conspiracies about sabotage -MAGA pretends it doesn't actually matter @GindnaGh'

Dear Commons Community,

Maureen Dowd in her column yesterday, used the Reflecting Pool at the Lincoln Memorial as a metaphor for Trump.  Here is her introduction:

“A historian once told me that the presidency would distill Donald Trump to his essence.

That essence, it turns out, is trillions of microscopic organisms that suck up all the oxygen and endanger life around them.

That essence is slimy, stinky and unrelenting, as reflected in the mass of algae that infests the Reflecting Pool in front of the Lincoln Memorial. The president had pledged an “American flag blue” sheen, but the algae created green streaks that mar the $14 million makeover of the water mirror.

The algae is a perfect metaphor to reflect on our unreflective president and his impulsive and solipsistic style of governing.”

Her conclusion:

“A lot of Americans miss the days when we built grand things. So it’s appealing on its face that this crazy president can squash the bureaucracy and get it done. But as usual with Trump, you eventually have to accept that he’s incompetent and corrupt and tacky, and just an all-around mess.”

Ouch or should I say “Yecch”.

Her entire column is below.

Tony


The New York Times

Opinion

Maureen Dowd

Creature From the Green Lagoon

June 20, 2026

By Maureen Dowd

Opinion Columnist, reporting from Washington

A historian once told me that the presidency would distill Donald Trump to his essence.

That essence, it turns out, is trillions of microscopic organisms that suck up all the oxygen and endanger life around them.

That essence is slimy, stinky and unrelenting, as reflected in the mass of algae that infests the Reflecting Pool in front of the Lincoln Memorial. The president had pledged an “American flag blue” sheen, but the algae created green streaks that mar the $14 million makeover of the water mirror.

The algae is a perfect metaphor to reflect on our unreflective president and his impulsive and solipsistic style of governing.

“It looks like a Rothko,” said Amanda Aldous, a 36-year-old teacher who was gazing at the Reflecting Pool Wednesday, leading suburban Seattle middle schoolers on a tour. “I think any biologist could have said this was going to happen.”

This is the hallowed site where Marian Anderson serenaded a throng after getting banished from Constitution Hall for her race, and where Martin Luther King Jr. gave his “I Have a Dream” speech to an even bigger crowd around the 2,028-foot pool.

National Park Service workers in waders were sucking up the dead algae strewed along the bottom on Wednesday. A cooler of Popsicles helped them withstand the hot, humid weather in which the algae thrives.

Sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter  Get expert analysis of the news and a guide to the big ideas shaping the world every weekday morning. Get it sent to your inbox.

On Thursday, the Interior Department was claiming to have beat back the toxic blooms — while doing a drive-by trashing of Barack Obama to please the boss.

“The advanced nanobubbler technology very effectively killed the algae that has plagued every Lincoln Reflecting Pool reopening — most infamously Obama’s reopening — since 1922,” Interior posted on X. “The Reflecting Pool water is crystal clear, and our National Park Service team is now vacuuming up the dead algae resting on the bottom of some parts of the Reflecting Pool — just like the destroyed Iranian Navy resting on the bottom of the Persian Gulf.”

Reports of Trump victories, with the knotty issues of Iran and the Reflecting Pool, are premature. Iran is gloating about Trump’s bad deal. Senate Republicans who normally don’t have the temerity to challenge Trump are deriding it. And the hydrogen peroxide that park workers used to kill the algae is peeling off the “American flag blue” paint that Trump just had directed be applied to the bottom of the pool.

To give Trump his due, the capital needed freshening up in many spots and he’s the first president in a while to restore beautiful statues and fountains that had fallen into disrepair.

When she was a young woman working for a bond company in the ’30s, my mother would stop at Meridian Hill Park in Columbia Heights on her way home from work. But the gorgeous Italian Renaissance park she loved later grew parched and shabby. Over the past seven years, there was no water in the cascading fountain — the longest such fountain in North America — or in the placid pool beneath it.

Channeling his triumphant rebuilding of Wollman skating rink in Central Park, Trump cleaned up Meridian Hill Park and turned on the faucets, as he did with Union Station’s statue and majestic fountain.

But for each laudable effort, there’s a litany of loathsome ones, like his plans for the hulking ballroom, the egotistical Arc de Trump, the cheesy Mar-a-Lago patio where Jackie’s Rose Garden used to be and the desecration — now halted by a federal judge — of The John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. (This past week, a striped wrap was still covering the center’s facade, where workers had removed Trump’s name. All you could see was “The John” on one side and “forming” on the other.)

Trump wants to tear up Hains Point, where generations of D.C. kids biked and played miniature golf, for an exclusive golf course.

Even when Trump starts with a glimmer of truth — that many iconic spots in D.C. had been allowed to shamefully deteriorate — he goes overboard in such a Trumpian way that he often ends up making things worse.

He orders up bulldozers in the middle of the night, arrogantly refusing to get input from planning experts or Congress in this most meticulously and symbolically arranged federal city.

His habit of rushing in unilaterally, refusing to consult anyone except sycophants, insisting the results are amazing even when we can see that they’re not, also led to the debacle of Elon Musk and DOGE and the humiliation in Iran.

He imposes his rococo, Brobdingnagian taste on our fabled buildings, crashing around ruining the classical style and perfect proportions of a city design inspired by Paris. Trump engages in cronyism on contracts and profligacy and, for all his gushing about THE BEST, he allows inefficacy to flourish.

The president as a maniacal urban planner is a white-knuckle ride, with Washington — and Washingtonians — just holding on for dear life.

When those he hasn’t consulted complain about the misguided schemes, he lambastes and gaslights them on Truth Social, insisting that everything will be AMAZING. As the rival developer Leona Helmsley once said of Trump, “I wouldn’t believe him if his tongue was notarized.”

The Babylon Bee posted a satirical video suggesting that if a female president was mercurial — launching foreign wars, trade wars and petty feuds — and focusing on gewgaws and shoes, she’d be endlessly belittled.

A lot of Americans miss the days when we built grand things. So it’s appealing on its face that this crazy president can squash the bureaucracy and get it done. But as usual with Trump, you eventually have to accept that he’s incompetent and corrupt and tacky, and just an all-around mess.

 

 

Trump and Giorgia Meloni feud escalates – He insists Meloni asked for G7 photo with him – She says it is nonsense!

Dear Commons Community,
Trump continued his feud with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni on Saturday, doubling down on claims that she insisted on a photo with him at the G7 summit in France this week.  As reported by several news media outlets.

“Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni asked, over and over, for a picture with me during the G-7 meeting in France,” Trump wrote on social media of a leader who has been a key European ally.

He claimed that Meloni’s popularity was plummeting, suggesting it was a result of her refusing to help the US in its conflict against Iran

But the Meloni was quick to rebuff Trump’s declarations, suggesting his argument was nonsense and advising the president to direct his attention toward his own popularity rather than hers.

“President Trump, these constant and gratuitous attacks are senseless,” Meloni wrote on Facebook later Saturday. She added that her friendship with the US leader has never contributed to her popularity, as the president claimed.

The right-wing leader said her popularity endures because of her “ability to defend Italy’s national interests,” which, she said, is why she denied the US access to Italian military bases earlier this year.

“In any case, my popularity is none of your concern,” Meloni added. “I’d suggest you focus on yours.”

One of them is a liar.  Does anyone doubt that it is Trump!

Tony

 

 

 

 

 

 

Strait of Hormuz Closed Again!

Dear Commons Community,

Shipping numbers in the Strait of Hormuz have been on a slow climb since the United States and Iran agreed to a preliminary deal last week to end the war and reopen the vital waterway. But traffic was suddenly jeopardized yesterday, when Iran’s military said it was shutting the strait once again. As reported by The New York Times.

The closure came as U.S. Central Command announced a milestone, saying 55 commercial ships transited the strait yesterday. That would be the largest number of ships to cross in a day since Iran effectively closed the strait early in the war — though it’s still far below the 130 daily prewar average.

It was not clear whether traffic had changed after Iran announced the new closure.

The confusion compounded as the United States and Iran offered conflicting assessments. The naval arm of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps said if ships approached the strait, their security would be at risk.

But Capt. Tim Hawkins, a spokesman for U.S. Central Command, denied in a text message on Saturday that Iran had closed the waterway, saying, “The strait is open and the U.S. blockade against Iran has ceased.” He wrote that traffic was “continuing to flow” and U.S. forces were monitoring the situation to ensure that continues.

Throughout the war, Iran has used the strait — a critical route for the world’s oil and gas supplies — as one of its largest sources of leverage, and even the threat of renewed fighting has been enough to throttle shipping. Reflecting that volatility, traffic in recent days has been erratic and well below prewar levels.

Though the preliminary deal reached by Iran and the United States included provisions to reopen the waterway, shipping companies remain cautious about moving through it. They also face logistical hurdles after their ships have been sitting in the Persian Gulf for months.

On Thursday, 25 ships moved through the strait, including 14 oil tankers, according to Kpler, a maritime data company. The number was higher than the average in recent weeks. On Friday, 11 ships transited the strait: seven oil tankers and four dry bulk vessels, according to Kpler.

Windward, a maritime analysis firm, said 22 ships went through the Strait of Hormuz on Saturday​, offering a lower number than the U.S. military’s. Michelle Wiese Bockmann, a senior maritime intelligence analyst at the firm, said the number could be higher after ships turned their tracking devices back on and became detectable.

In announcing the closure of the waterway on Saturday, Iran’s central military command cited the killing and the displacement of Lebanese residents from southern Lebanon, along with Israel’s refusal to withdraw from the region, as factors. The deal between the United States and Iran stipulated an end to hostilities on all fronts, including Lebanon.

The preliminary agreement between the United States and Iran introduced a 60-day period of negotiations to reach a fuller peace, outlined steps to reopen the strait, and removed a U.S. naval blockade on Iranian ships that had been imposed in April.

Under the deal, Iran agreed to reopen the strait and, for 60 days, return to the prewar status of allowing vessels to pass free of charge. The agreement, however, seems to leave open the possibility that Iran could charge fees after the 60-day negotiation period.

While the agreement calls for traffic to be reinstated “within 30 days,” it is not clear when it might return to prewar levels. The agreement called for reopening the strait to commercial vessels “immediately” but noted that there could be delays because of “technical and military obstacles,” as well as the need for Iran to remove mines from the waterway.

Ms. Wiese Bockmann said that her bellwether for the situation in the coming days would be whether container ships affiliated with the European Union, which have been stranded since the war began, would make the trek across the strait. “And they haven’t moved yet,” she said.

“We can conclude that Western-affiliated tonnage stranded is still stepping back and assessing the security situation,” she said.

What a mess!

Tony

 

“ITALY NEVER BEGS!” Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni publicly tears into Trump!


Dear Commons Community,

Insecure and attention-hungry Donald Trump has apparently created a major rift between the United States and Italy by telling the press that the Italian Prime Minister was “begging him” for a photo and that he felt “sorry” for her.

In response, Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani abruptly cancelled a planned trip to the United States this weekend, calling Trump’s claims “serious and offensive” toward Meloni and all of Italy.

Meloni herself released a video (see below) in which she addressed Trump’s lies in furious fashion.

“So, certain things deserve an immediate response,” says Meloni into the camera.

“Donald Trump’s statements are completely fabricated. I am frankly appalled. I don’t know why the President of the United States behaves this way towards his allies; after all, it’s not the first time it’s happened.”

“I can only say it’s a pity that he doesn’t show the same determination with the enemies of the West, with the enemies of the United States, with leaders towards whom he instead proves to be much more accommodating.”

“But he must remember one thing: Italy and I never beg.”

Trump had made the comments in an interview broadcast Friday morning on the La7 network.

Seriously, what is WRONG with him? This is the quintessentially Trumpian scandal: a national humiliation and international rift ignited by his jealousy at having to share the spotlight and his irrepressible urge to be a little see-ya-next-Tuesday towards everyone he doesn’t like.

Just a complete absence of anything resembling leadership, self-control, or basic human decency.

Tony

Policy Essay: “Scientific computing in an AI world”

Trainium3 UltraServers are seen at Annapurna Labs, an Amazon subsidiary, in Austin, Texas. PHOTO: MARK FELIX/GETTY IMAGES

Dear Commons Community,

In yesterday’s Science, there was an essay entitled, “Scientific computing in an AI world”, that posited that scientific computing must integrate AI with simulation and focus on energy-efficient methods and systems. It gets into the weeds a bit but it has an important message about how advanced computing research needs to change its “center of gravity” away from traditional scientific high-performance computing (HPC), with the locus of influence shifted to hyperscale service providers (“hyperscalers” that operate massive, highly scalable cloud computing infrastructure) and consumer smartphone companies (1), but now driven by artificial intelligence (AI).

It concludes that:

“An outline of a possible “moonshot” program must include a governance structure, milestones, and key performance indicators.  And it must have a clear, demonstrable, and obvious success metric…

…Establish a mission-driven consortium across agencies, national laboratories, academia, and industry, with an independent evaluation team for benchmark definitions, acceptance tests, and energy accounting. The consortium should require open, portable interfaces, even when specific prototypes use specialized hardware.”

The entire essay is below.  The message is deep and complicated but stay with it.

Tony

————————————————————-

Scientific computing in an AI world

In Section Policy Forum | Computing

Jack Dongarra1,2, Daniel Reed3, Dennis Gannon4

Featured

The center of gravity in advanced computing has transitioned away from traditional scientific and engineering high-performance computing (HPC), with the locus of influence shifted to hyperscale service providers (“hyperscalers” that operate massive, highly scalable cloud computing infrastructure) and consumer smartphone companies (1), but now driven by artificial intelligence (AI). Consequently, scientific and technical computing is increasingly a specialized, policy-driven niche riding atop infrastructure optimized for other, much larger markets. The challenge for scientific computing is to adapt to this rapidly changing world. We suggest maxims that define the present and future of scientific computing and propose a “moonshot” to build a new foundation that would benefit both scientific computing and AI. We must look beyond the narrow, but important, design of next-generation computing systems to how an integrated ecosystem of new, nascent, and still-to-be developed technologies enables scientific discovery, economic opportunities, public health, and global security.

A central theme of this Policy Forum is not the well-known observation (2) that energy and data movement constrain scaling, but rather that the market and access regimes in which scientific computing now operates have changed. The market did respond to these well-understood energy constraints, but in bifurcated ways. Designs for mobile devices, which are subject to battery and weight constraints, were optimized for low-power operation. However, AI data-center processor and accelerator designs, though sensitive to energy demands, emphasized AI performance optimizations and now operate in a regime with 45°C inlet cooling water and single racks with megawatt power demands while being optimized for low-precision arithmetic.

Each high-performance computing transition has been driven by a combination of market forces and semiconductor economics, requiring the scientific computing community to develop and embrace new algorithms and software to use the systems effectively. Each time, there were those who initially resisted inevitability, only to suffer the consequences of delayed adoption, whether clinging to vector supercomputers or refusing to embrace scalable message passing. Today is no different. The scientific computing community must again adapt and embrace the new realities of our AI-dominated technology world.

The first sea change is one of economic and technical influence. The scientific computing community has long been a driver of computing innovation, even in the commodity hardware space, by specifying and buying the earliest and largest instances of new technology. Today, that is no longer possible, especially under existing procurement models. The scale of “AI factories” (a large-scale computing facility designed to produce AI capabilities—training, tuning, and running AI models) dwarfs that of even the fastest supercomputers, and the gap widens each year. Moreover, unlike the rise of the modern microprocessor, when all hardware was available for public purchase, a substantial portion of the most advanced AI hardware is designed and built by AI hyperscalers themselves, for example, Google’s tensor processing units (3), Amazon’s Trainium (4), and Microsoft’s Maia. The largest clusters and newest accelerator generations are often accessible only to internal AI teams within the hyperscaler or to a small set of strategic partners under commercial terms.

Although both scientific computing and generative AI benefit from high floating-point operation rates, machine learning flourishes with 32-, 16-, 8-, and even 4-bit operands. By contrast, scientific computing has long depended on a high-precision, 64-bit floating point. The shift in hardware design by both hyperscalers and NVIDIA raises important concerns for traditional computational modeling. The now mainstream cloud software ecosystem, including storage systems, scheduling models, and software services, differs markedly from existing technical computing practices. This suggests that the scientific and technical computing community must again embrace ecosystem software changes. Lest this seem heretical, remember that UNIX and open-source software were once viewed as high risk by the scientific computing community, even as they became mainstream in the commercial computing world.

MAXIMS DEFINING SCIENTIFIC COMPUTING PRESENT AND FUTURE

HPC is now synonymous with integrated numerical modeling and generative AI

Traditional simulation and modeling are deductive, based on mathematical models of phenomena and the laws of classical or quantum physics, typically expressed as discretized differential equations. This approach reflects the classical mathematical training of most computational scientists. By contrast, generative AI models are inductive, with models based on large volumes of data. Just as computational models can approximate solutions to differential equations to arbitrary precision, AI models learn to approximate unknown functions to arbitrary precision. Both rest on rigorous mathematical frameworks— the Church-Turing thesis and the universal approximation theorem. It is not a matter of choosing to invest in one or the other.

Both are critical and complementary, each offering capabilities and efficiencies lacking in the other. The complementary strengths and weaknesses of numerical and AI models have led to their integration as hybrid models, notably the use of AI models as numerical surrogates. One trains a neural network to approximate an expensive simulation, then uses the AI surrogate for rapid exploration of parameter space, taking care to not push beyond its domain of applicability. The computationally intensive simulation is then used for verification of promising results. These hybrid techniques incorporate the AI directly into the workflow of a large-scale HPC computation.

Energy and data movement, not floating-point operations, are the scarce resources

At the scale of modern AI data centers and supercomputers, energy has become a primary design constraint. Systems drawing hundreds of megawatts make every architectural choice an energy decision: how power is delivered, how heat is removed, how data moves, and how operations align with carbon and sustainability goals. Liquid cooling, including direct-to-chip, immersion, and hybrid approaches, is now becoming standard practice.

Traditional metrics such as peak FLOPS (floating-point operations per second) or even time to solution are no longer sufficient. A more meaningful measure is joules per trusted solution: the total energy consumed over a defined workflow boundary divided by the number of accepted, scientifically valid outcomes. A “trusted” outcome must pass explicit acceptance tests, such as residual or conservation checks for simulations, forecast skill and reliability diagnostics for machine learning, or end-to-end quality gates for coupled AI-simulation workflows. To make this metric reproducible, one must specify the workflow stages included, the energy-measurement boundary, the hardware and software stack, the acceptance thresholds, provenance of data and models, and run-to-run variability.

This shift forces new trade-offs among fidelity, resolution, model size, time, and energy. It also places algorithmic innovation at the center of future system design. Mixed-precision methods, communication-avoiding algorithms, compression, smarter sampling, surrogate models, stochastic rounding, randomized sketching, and hierarchical preconditioners can all reduce energy consumption without sacrificing reliability. Precision and communication should therefore be treated as first-class algorithmic resources, budgeted alongside time and memory.

A further challenge is the mismatch between computing deployment and energy infrastructure. Large data centers can be built far faster than new power generation, transmission, or distribution capacity. As a result, the available power envelope is often fixed years before architectural details are settled. Future systems must therefore be designed to operate within predetermined energy and cooling budgets, rather than assuming power can be expanded later.

Sustainability is no longer a public-relations issue; it is an operational requirement. Scientific computing must codesign algorithms, software, and hardware around energy-aware execution, reduced data movement, and flexible precision. The necessary ideas already exist, especially in AI accelerators and mixed-precision numerical methods. What is still missing is broad adoption and robust, portable software libraries that make these capabilities usable across scientific computing.

Benchmarks are mirrors, not levers

To make progress quickly (without waiting for nonexistent, perfect benchmarks), we propose an initial “minimum viable” suite of workflow-shaped benchmarks, each with well-defined inputs and outputs, an explicit acceptance test for trust, and mandatory reporting of time, energy, data movement, and quality. The goal is not a single number, but a reproducible Pareto frontier among time, energy, and fidelity.

Sustainability is no longer a public-relations issue; it is an operational requirement.

Key suite attributes include the following: a proposed initial suite (small enough to adopt, broad enough to matter); a surrogate-with-verification loop, which includes training a surrogate, screening a parameter space, and verifying candidates with a high-fidelity solver; a data assimilation–inverse loop, comprising iterative updates combining simulation and learned components; an ensemble workflow, which includes many moderate size simulations with AI postprocessing (e.g., risk and uncertainty quantification); hybrid partial differential equations and learned closure, which consists of a reduced model that couples a dynamical core with a learned subgrid or parameterization; and a data-fabric (the architecture that connects data across many locations) benchmark that ingests, curates, governs, and serves data and models to both simulation and AI stages, stressing policy, access, and performance.

There are several elements required of the reporting protocol: joules per trusted solution, time to trusted solution, and (where available) estimated emissions per trusted solution; data movement accounting (bytes moved by tier and fabric; remote access if cloud or hybrid); acceptance tests and thresholds; failure modes observed; and configuration manifest (hardware, precision modes, software versions, dataset and model identifiers).

Performance metrics such as High-Performance Linpack (HPL), High-Performance Conjugate Gradient (HPCG), or any other next-generation benchmark reflect the systems that vendors are already building; they rarely reshape the broader market trajectory on their own. Put another way, they generally reward incremental improvements rather than transformative alternatives. Instead, we need benchmarks that highlight both the strengths and the weaknesses of existing designs.

New benchmarks must span both simulation and AI partitions, exercising end-to-end workflows rather than isolated kernels. Equally important is the need to benchmark the data fabric itself. Future metrics should stress test data ingestion from instruments, movement across simulation and AI partitions, access to long-term archives, and enforcement of security and access policies. They should evaluate not just bandwidth and latency, but how well facilities support governed, equitable access to data and models—key concerns for national platforms that serve diverse communities.

Finally, benchmarks should reflect the hybrid nature of public-private computing infrastructure. Some workloads will span onpremises facilities and secure cloud regions; others will rely heavily on AI services coupled with local simulations. Measurement frameworks must be able to attribute performance and energy across these boundaries, enabling comparisons of different design and deployment choices.

Winning systems are codesigned end to end—workflow first and parts list second

Although the hyperscaler and AI communities have aggressively embraced hardware-software codesign, the story is less encouraging in scientific computing. There are notable examples of codesign in specific missions—fusion devices, accelerator detectors, telescopes, and climate modeling initiatives—where there is no viable alternative. Some exascale (capable of 1018 FLOPS) application teams have worked with vendors to shape features or software paths. However, most production scientific codes must still adapt to extant architectures. Porting and tuning cycles are long; exploitation of new features (tensor cores, data processing units, new memory tiers) is partial and ad hoc, and large segments of the scientific software ecosystem remain effectively frozen.

Is this because the computational science community is risk averse or because it is resource constrained? The answer is both. Codesign at scale requires sustained funding, institutional continuity, and the ability to place substantial bets on uncertain outcomes. Most scientific teams operate with fragmented funding and limited horizons; they cannot afford to gamble entire codes on speculative hardware features. This has proven true even for the largest, mission-driven applications such as nuclear stockpile stewardship. Meanwhile, vendors are reluctant to optimize for niche workloads when AI and cloud customers dominate revenue.

The net result is that codesign remains the exception rather than the rule in scientific computing. Where it has worked, it has done so in the context that commonly arises in support of codesign around AI—concentrated workloads, strong institutional commitment, and substantial aligned resources. For codesign to enable a broader spectrum of scientific codes, governance and funding structures must be similar to those of AI ecosystems: fewer, focused efforts with the scale and longevity to justify genuine hardware-software coevolution.

Research requires prototyping at scale (and risking failure), otherwise it is procurement

Benchmarks that better reflect real scientific workloads reveal an uncomfortable truth: today’s exascale systems often achieve only small fractions of their theoretical peak on realistic applications because of data movement and memory-bandwidth limits. In practice, many remain petascale (1015 FLOPS) platforms for scientific computing. Addressing this gap requires more aggressive prototyping of next-generation architectures and programming models at realistic scale. These efforts must involve real users, real workloads, and sufficient investment to explore targeted risks such as custom chiplets, new memory hierarchies, and energy-aware designs.

Advanced prototyping requires accepting technical risk while distinguishing it from poor management or organizational failure. Earlier experiments such as IBM Stretch, ILLIAC (Illinois Automatic Computer) IV, and parallel computing efforts by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) show that even imperfect prototypes can yield important lessons. Four lessons recur: Workflow bottlenecks often move beyond kernels to data staging, orchestration, and verification; software adoption depends on portable abstractions and stable toolchains; energy, data movement, and quality metrics must be measured from the start; and prototypes must be tested by real users with tolerance for failure and rapid iteration.

If pursued seriously, prototyping could move scientific and AI-oriented HPC toward missiontuned instruments rather than fully generic machines. Systems might be designed around classes of workflows such as climate and energy, fusion and materials, or life sciences and health analytics, with precision strategies, data topologies, and runtime policies matched to those missions. To avoid fragmentation, these platforms must rely on shared standards for containers, application programming interfaces, data formats, provenance, and measurement and remain open, reusable national resources.

Prototypes must also span interoperability between traditional HPC and secure AI cloud services. Future scientific workflows will likely move fluidly among simulations on government supercomputers, foundation models in secure clouds, and AI agents that orchestrate end-toend tasks.

Finally, building the future means investing in alternative computing models where energy, data movement, and domain specificity dominate. Neuromorphic computing may serve energy-first, event-driven inference and control, whereas quantum computing may become useful for selected chemistry, sampling, or optimization tasks. But all such accelerators must be judged by end-to-end workflow value, including validation, orchestration cost, and joules per trusted solution.

Data and models are intellectual gold

In an era when many actors can buy similar hardware and access similar cloud platforms, increasingly, the differentiators are the quality of curated datasets, the sophistication of the trained models, and the legal and institutional frameworks that govern their use. High-value scientific datasets are expensive to generate and maintain. When combined with frontier AI and hybrid AI-plus-simulation workflows, they allow a given amount of computation to yield more insight, faster and more reliably, than would otherwise be possible. Similarly, scientific foundation models trained on such data become reusable assets that can be fine-tuned, coupled to simulations, and deployed across a wide range of applications.

Data stewardship must be a central element of national and institutional strategy. Investments in high-quality metadata, provenance tracking, curation, and long-term preservation are investments in future scientific leverage. Thus, the design and training of scientific foundation models must be treated as infrastructure. Just as we do not rebuild compilers and linear algebra libraries for every application, we should not treat domain foundation models as disposable experiments.

New collaborative models define 21st-century computing

Frontier AI plus HPC has moved from the realm of research strategy to national geopolitical policy. National strategies now explicitly identify AI-plus-science platforms, secure cloud AI, and supercomputers as components of critical infrastructure, national competitiveness, and security, with coupled milestones and accountability at the highest levels of government. Concurrently, the shift to an AI-dominated computing market forces a rethinking of how to fund and organize scientific computing. Traditional models—incremental upgrades to on-premise systems funded through periodic capital campaigns—are no longer sufficient to sustain leadership in HPC for science. Instead, future government funding models must recognize that advanced computing is now a mixed public-private ecosystem, in which strategic consortia, precompetitive platforms, and missiondriven initiatives play central roles. This means articulating explicit AI-plus-HPC requirements linked to national and global challenge problems, anchored in concrete mission outcomes, are more likely to produce durable ecosystems than one-off hardware acquisitions.

NEXT-GENERATION SYSTEMS DESIGN MOONSHOT

If the dominant commercial trajectory is toward ever larger, ever more energy-intensive clusters [e.g., xAI-style “Colossus” builds, Oracle’s OCCI (Oracle C++ call interface)–class deployments], then science needs a countervailing national program whose primary objective is not peak capability, but orders-of-magnitude reduction in joules per trusted solution. We believe the scientific computing community must play a distinctive role in reshaping this ecosystem. Doing so will require embracing new models of collaborative publicprivate partnership, identifying leverage points where early research can shape technology futures.

Why has an orders-of-magnitude reduction in energy consumption per trusted solution not been the default design point, and a sociotechnical imperative, given the clear and ever more looming challenges of today’s approach? Simply put, it is far more challenging than incrementalism and procurement. It requires accepting risk (and failure), building prototypes early, and resisting the temptation to equate “national leadership” with the largest single HPC installation. It also challenges existing incentives: Vendors optimize for hyperscale utilization, government procurement cycles favor incremental upgrades, and “largest-machine” headlines still crowd out efficiency metrics.

The scientific case for such a moonshot is compelling. AI factories and HPC systems face similar technical challenges, including inadequate memory bandwidth, rising energy requirements, and semiconductor scaling issues. Moreover, many of the highest-value workflows (i.e., climate and weather ensembles, materials screening, fusion design loops, health analytics, inverse problems, and hybrid AI-plus-simulation pipelines) scale best when one can run many jobs in parallel with a predictable energy cost. A fleet of smaller, efficient systems can deliver more scientific throughput per dollar and per megawatt than a single monolithic machine while improving resilience, availability, and breadth of access.

We are not suggesting that we abandon the desire for higher performance; we are merely saying that our present approach to increasing it has reached diminishing returns. We must first rebuild the foundations of computing, then leverage these foundations to build both leading edge systems and a set of grid-deployable “science engines”—modular systems small enough to locate at multiple research institutions and regional power nodes and numerous enough to support diverse communities. In many ways, computing became most transformative when it became small enough and economical enough for personal use; the national analog is to make advanced capability compact, repeatable, and ubiquitous enough that science can own the workflows end to end. The same is true for AI engines; broad access is needed for scientific discovery.

An outline of a possible moonshot program must include a governance structure, milestones, and key performance indicators, such as those below. It must have a clear, demonstrable, and obvious success metric.

Governance

Establish a mission-driven consortium across agencies, national laboratories, academia, and industry, with an independent evaluation team for benchmark definitions, acceptance tests, and energy accounting. The consortium should require open, portable interfaces, even when specific prototypes use specialized hardware.

Milestones

These might include the following. Year 1: Define the minimum viable benchmark suite and reporting protocol, deploy instrumented testbeds, and baseline joules per trusted solution. Years 2 and 3: Iterate through two or three prototype cycles (hardware, runtime, algorithms), each evaluated on the same workflows. Years 4 and 5: Scale demonstrations and hardening of the software and data stack, and transition successful designs to procurement. A longer time may be required if basic research in underlying materials science and technologies is needed.

Key performance indicators

These might include, for example, a ≥10 times reduction in joules per trusted solution on at least two benchmark workflows by year 3, a trajectory toward 100 times by year 5, demonstrated end-to-end trust gates (acceptance tests) with quantified failure or uncertainty rates, reproducible workflow performance and energy accounting across at least two independent facilities, and ecosystem adoption, comprising portable implementations in community libraries and runtimes and documented migration paths for applications.

Concretely, such a moonshot would couple aggressive energyaware algorithms (mixed precision with certification, communication-avoiding methods, learned surrogates with validation), architectural innovation focused on memory and interconnect efficiency rather than raw FLOPS, and software stacks that measure and optimize joules per trusted outcome across hybrid AI-plussimulation workflows. The outcome of such a project would not replace the US Genesis-style (5) missions (i.e., national-scale efforts that treat AI-plus-science platforms as critical infrastructure— linking secure data, models, compute, and governance to mission outcomes); it would complement it, ensuring that public science is not forever constrained to renting computing and storage resources designed for someone else’s business model.

1Electrical Engineering and Computer Science Department, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA.

2School of Mathematics, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK.

3Computer Science and Electrical and Computer Engineering, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, USA.

4Luddy School of Informatics, Computing and Engineering, University of Indiana, Bloomington, IN, USA.

Email: [email protected][email protected][email protected]

REFERENCES AND NOTES

  1. D. Reed, D. Gannon, J. Dongarra, Commun. ACM66, 82 (2023).
  2. P. Kogge et al., “ExaScale computing study: Technology challenges in achieving exascale systems” (Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency Information Processing Techniques Office, 2008).
  3. N. P. Jouppi et al., in ISCA ‘17: Proceedings of the 44th ACM/IEEE Annual International Symposium on Computer Architecture(ACM, 2017), pp. 1–12.
  4. X. Fu et al., in Proceedings of the 2024 ACM Symposium on Cloud Computing(ACM, 2024), pp. 961–976.
  5. Executive Office of the US President, “Executive Order on the American Science and Security Platform and the Genesis Mission,” Washington, DC, 2025; https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/11/launching-the-genesis-mission/.

Trump’s $14M Reflecting Pool Paint Job Is Now Green and the Blue Coating Is Peeling Off.

Dear Commons Community,

Trump touted the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool renovations he ordered earlier this year, having put in “more than 100” over his career.

But after spending $14 million in taxpayer funds, the Reflecting Pool now looks worse than it did before.

Aside from the bright green hue of the water — the product of what is reportedly one of the largest algae blooms in recent years — the “industrial-grade swimming pool topping” that Trump chose is already peeling off in sheets.

Visitors took notice of the floating material on Thursday. HuffPost even observed some taking samples of the coating with them as a souvenir of Trump’s Washington.

The fresh layer of “American flag blue” coating was part of a flurry of renovation efforts Trump has spearheaded around the capital ahead of the nation’s 250th anniversary.

It was controversial from the start, when Trump opted to give the hefty contract to a handpicked vendor instead of following the standard protocol of soliciting bids to avoid favoritism.

Trump’s reflecting pool coating is now coming off in sheets.

Once the coating dried and water was pumped back in, it only took a couple days for the algae to begin showing up in force. Algae has been an issue for the pool in years past, but the purpose of Trump’s renovation was to clean it up.

Where Trump wanted to create a crystal-clear oasis, instead, he got a swamp.

Workers have been spotted this week dumping gallons of hydrogen peroxide into the pool and also wading out to filter the water by hand.

The Trump administration pinned blame on leftover algae in the pipes, and said its solutions — including use of a nanobubbler — were working. The Interior Department went so far as to claim on Wednesday that the problem was solved, posting a misleading photograph of the bright blue sky reflected in the water, making it also appear blue.

HuffPost confirmed on Thursday though, that the water is still green. Parts of the bottom also appeared to be layered with muck.

No complaints have been reported, however, from the local ducks, who have been conducting business as usual.

The Reflecting Pool is another classic example of Trump not knowing what he is talking about. 

Tony

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